Britain’s Grooming Gangs: Part 1

• As far back as 2013, Britain’s Attorney General stated in the House of Lords that 27 police forces were then investigating no fewer than 54 alleged gangs involved in child sexual grooming.

• Last year, Shahid Javed Burki, a former Pakistani finance minister and vice-president of the World Bank, spoke out about the treatment of women in his country, arguing that the low status given to women has had serious social, demographic, educational, and financial effects.

• This problem is, in some measure, reflected in the UK, where Muslim women (mainly of Pakistani origin) face limitations on their participation in the workplace, in higher education, and even knowledge of the English language — matters examined by Dame Louise Casey in her 2016 government review into opportunity and integration.

• Bringing Pakistani attitudes into the UK, often within segregated communities, only serves to perpetuate the belief that women are intrinsically the inferiors of men in all respects.

ROTHERHAM, ENGLAND – MAY 10: General view of Rotherham ahead of a visit from Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn later today on May 10, 2017 in Rotherham, England. Rotherham voted to leave by 68% during last year’s EU referendum and is traditionally a Labour held constituency. (Photo by Anthony Devlin/Getty Images)

On July 24, 2018, Britain’s Home Secretary, conservative MP Sajid Javid, issued orders for research into the ethnic origins of the country’s many sexual grooming gangs that had involved large numbers of loosely-termed “Asian men”, who, over many years, had taken vulnerable young white British girls to use or pass on for sexual purposes. Most of the men have, Javid has stated been of Pakistani extraction, which makes the Home Secretary’s intervention significant. Javid’s father came, as did many other Pakistani immigrants, from Punjab, and with only £1 to his name. He became a bus driver, then a clothing store owner. Yet his five sons have all become fully integrated Britons, with successful careers in business, politics and the public sector. They are all models of second-generation immigrant achievement, miles away from the men in the gangs. Reporting on the Javid family, The Times wrote:

“Javid’s appointment as the first non-white person — and the first with a Muslim background — to hold one of Britain’s great offices of state is the culmination of a six-decade family journey.”

Given the great potential for controversy over identifying ethnicity as a factor in serious crimes, Javid showed courage in taking this move only months after his appointment in April to lead the Home Office. Criticism came quickly from the Labour Party. “Jeremy Corbyn denied there was any ‘problem’ with Pakistani men and abuse, saying: ‘The problem is the crime that’s committed against women from any community.” His combined political and ethnic experience will have shown Javid, based on previous Home Office bans and academic reports, that any such investigation might be used by the far right to attack Pakistanis and Muslims.

Crossing party lines, Javid made his commitment to investigate the ethnic origins in a letter to Sarah Champion, the Labour Member of Parliament for Rotherham, the first city to experience grooming gangs on a large scale, and the site of the UK’s largest ever child sexual abuse scandal. Just under a year before, Champion had come under fire for daring to draw public attention to the problem of the preponderance of Pakistanis in the gangs.

First elected to parliament in 2012, Champion, in 2015, served as the Shadow Minister for Preventing Abuse. She was awarded the post in recognition of her work on child sexual exploitation, notably by chairing a cross-party inquiry into child sexual exploitation. The inquiry was done in conjunction with the children’s charity Barnardo’s, which published a report in April 2014. Unfortunately, Champion had to resign briefly in 2016, when a number of MPs stood down in an attempt to remove Jeremy Corbyn. She was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Women and Equalities in October 2016, a role for which she was well suited. In November, she launched a National Action Plan (Dare2Care) to prevent child abuse and violence in teenage relationships.

Then things went wrong. She remains an MP, but was forced to resign her shadow cabinet post nearly a year later, on August 16, 2017, after a major controversy. During an interview with BBC Radio 4, on August 10, she said, about a major grooming gang which had just been convicted in Newcastle upon Tyne:

All the towns where these cases have gone on, the majority of the perpetrators have been British Pakistanis…. One of the things that, for example, on the news last night, there was a picture of eighteen of the people who were convicted, that seventeen of those were clearly Asian men. And it just pains me that this is going on time and time and time again, and the government aren’t researching – you know – what is going on. Are these cultural issues, some sort of message going out inside the [Pakistani] community? We have got now hundreds of men, Pakistani men, who have been convicted of this crime. Why are we not commissioning research on what’s going on, and how we need to check and how we need to change what’s going on?

On the same day, the less respectable tabloid newspaper, The Sunpublished an article by Champion saying much the same. Entitled, “British Pakistani men ARE raping and exploiting white girls and it’s time we faced up to it”, the article argued in part:

For too long we have ignored the race of these abusers and, worse, tried to cover it up.
 

No more. These people are predators and the common denominator is their ethnic heritage.
 

We have to have grown-up conversations, however unpalatable, or in six months’ time we will be having this same scenario all over again.
 

The irony of all of this is that, by not dealing with the ethnicity of the abusers as a fact, political correctness has actually made the situation about race.

Although Champion subsequently tried to distance herself from the article, it had done her no favours in the Labour Party, which has stressed its opposition to racism — except against Jews. A cross-party group of MPs wrote to The Sun, condemning the article. Even though Champion had courageously stated that, “The perpetrators are criminals and we need to deal with them as such, not shy away from doing the right thing by fearing being called a racist”, she was forced to resign on August 16.

Ironically, another Labour MP, Naz Shah, herself of Pakistani origin, tried to deflect Champion’s comments by stating, no doubt correctly, that nearly 90% of child abusers (presumably in the UK) are white men. She added, “What I won’t accept, or tolerate, is a narrative that demonizes every Pakistani man as a rapist.” But, of course, Champion had not been talking about child abuse in general in a mainly white country, only about the specifics of the grooming gang situation, previously unheard of in Britain; nor had she claimed for a moment that all Pakistani men were rapists. Not surprisingly, Shah herself (who had just been suspended in an antisemitism dispute, but then reinstated) was appointed in July this year to be the Shadow Secretary of State for Women and Equalities, the very post Champion had held.

Champion, meanwhile, after death threats, had to be given increased security by the counter-terrorism police. So-called human rights activists, evidently caring nothing for the rights of little girls and teenagers in the North of England or presumably elsewhere, accused her of “industrial-scale racism.”

Champion, incidentally, was not the first to draw attention to the crimes and the perpetrators. Another MP, Ann Cryer, had revealed details about grooming gangs in her Yorkshire constituency, Keighly, as far back as 2003. When she did so, she was “ridiculed, branded a racist, a liar and a fantasist [and] forced to install a panic button in her own home.”

Champion’s reputation was saved at an early stage by other MPs. Barry Sheerman, Labour MP for Huddersfield, a town where twenty-eight men of mostly Pakistani origin had been tried and sentenced only months earlier for the same offenses, declared that it was a “shameful and disgusting campaign against a courageous and remarkable woman”. Most importantly, it was Sajid Javid, not yet Home Secretary, who spoke out in her defence. He tweeted, “Corbyn wrong to sack Sarah Champion. We need an honest open debate on child sexual exploitation, including racial motivation”. It was an intention he fulfilled virtually as soon as he headed the Home Office.

Although the sexual abuse of children and young teenagers occurs around the world, the grooming gang crisis in the UK, certainly in its wide extent, appears to be unique in the West. As far back as 2013, Britain’s Attorney General, Lord Morris of Aberavon, stated in the House of Lords that 27 police forces were then investigating no fewer than 54 alleged gangs involved in child sexual grooming.

He asked:

“Is it collective amnesia that has blinded us to the underlying circumstances, whereby at least 27 police forces are investigating 54 alleged child grooming gangs?
 

“Why has investigating and prosecuting in so many different parts of the country taken so much time?
 

“Is it the fear of racialism, or is it the fact that many of these vulnerable girls come from care homes?”

Four years later, in August 2017, the Daily Express presented a map showing eight towns and cities where gangs had been active. An inquiry in April had, in fact, already brought 29 men from Huddersfield to court, prior to a January 2018 trial in which all were convicted, thereby making the total nine cities.

On September 15, 2018, what was described as “the most serious example of sex grooming yet to emerge in this country” was made public, following a speech in the House of Lords by Baroness Caroline Cox, a staunch defender of women’s rights within Britain’s Muslim communities. 

The case involved a girl, Sarah, who was abducted by a Muslim gang when 15, held in captivity for twelve years, forced twice into marriage, repeatedly raped, beaten, and made to endure eight abortions. As in other cases, her family’s pleas for help were ignored by the police to whom they had turned. “I know Sarah and her family,” said Baroness Cox. “Every sex grooming case is terrible. But the length and cruelty of her abduction make it the worst I have known.”

Sarah is a single victim, but it is likely that the gang involved will have dealt with more young women taken from the same streets.

In 2017, the English Defence League, which some disparage as racist — to which the EDL responds, “The truth cannot be racist” — published online a list of “Muslim grooming gangs and other rape jihad convictions”. It provides a long, alphabetical list of “170 known completed trials with convictions for rape jihad offences at 68 main locations”. The list may be of intrinsic interest, in that it provides links to news reports about these trials, but it is in reality, highly misleading.1)Another statistical list of the names of all the accused in joint cases, arranged chronologically and with full details of the towns, trials, and convictions may be found here. First of all, there is no evidence that any of the men involved (most often one or two) had the least notion of conducting “rape jihad”, a concept seemingly made up by the EDL.

The behaviour of the grooming gangs differs greatly from the rapes and sexual harassments — often of people above the age of 16, by men in general in Britain and in other countries — in its clannish and organized nature. Pakistanis seem almost unique in combining efforts to engage in this harassment. That is why Javid’s inquiry must proceed even if it does upset parts of the Pakistani and wider communities — given that large numbers of those community members are themselves keen to see the matter cleared up and their reputations restored. These include other prominent British Muslims such as Yasmin Alibhai BrownMohammed Shafiq, and Nazir Afzal.

Although Javid’s inquiry will focus on the question of why it is Pakistani men who organize and dominate these gangs, it is important that this not be interpreted as a racist endeavour, as some have claimed it to be — for example, when Sarah Champion was accused of “industrial scale racism”. No one is claiming that the racial characteristics of the rapists are remotely a factor in their crimes, and no one should criticize the inquiry on such grounds.

The problem, then, seems to stem not from race but from culture. Many people, trapped by the inquiry’s emphasis on multiculturalism, appear to deem it “racist” to comment negatively on any culture except for Western (including Israeli) culture. For some, it is even racist to borrow from another culture’s dress, food, religion, architecture, art or music – which they term “cultural appropriation” or “cultural voyeurism” — instead of what it might well be: admiration and respect.

The men in the grooming gangs are not proper representatives of many regular aspects of Pakistani culture and Muslim ethics. According to Ben Sixsmith:

“Quite apart from being abusively adulterous, these criminals drank, did drugs, and made their victims have abortions. These were not, in other words, devout Muslim men.”

Speaking on the BBC’s leading political debate show, Newsnight, Muhbeen Hussain, the founder of British Muslim Youth went so far as to deny that the men convicted were real Muslims:

These grooming gangs were individuals that were using alcohol, using drugs and actually having ‘sessions’ exploiting these young girls. I don’t know what’s Islamic about drinking alcohol, drugs and exploiting young girls.

Despite rising secularism in some cities, Pakistan remains a deeply religious society in which outward expressions of piety are ubiquitous, and blasphemy and heterodox allegiance are major social issues. So, the question comes to be: to what extent might some Pakistani values influence men like these?

A partial answer is that, despite tight regulations concerning the behaviour of women in Pakistan and restrictions on male-female relationships there, the country, like some other Muslim countries, has a reputation for a high level of sexual harassment, even if this harassment does not take the form of grooming underage girls. Pakistani social activist Muhammad Usman Awan, for instance, has written at length about various forms of harassment in Pakistan.

In one 2016 article, he writes:

According to a research conducted by UNISON in 2008, more than 50% working women face sexual harassment in Pakistan. An increasing number of violence cases are filed every day and there is an even bigger number of incidents which go unreported. A total of 24119 of violence against women cases were reported during 2008-10 among which only 520 workplace harassment cases were filed…
 

7,733 cases of violence against women were reported in the media in 2013. 1,516 were murdered while 472 were killed for reasons of ‘honor’. The country has notoriously failed to curb the flow of harassment cases.

Clearly, there is a predominance of physical violence here, but there are other forms of harassment, including the sexual harassment of women when they use public transport:

The condition of public transport in Pakistan is not even close to a satisfactory level. Daily commute for an average Pakistani woman is through public transport buses. But commuting through these public buses has become considerably difficult because of the unwanted attention and indecent remarks.

Harassment is especially experienced, it seems, in the workplace, as Pakistani journalist Nosheen Abbas has described in some detail. The bill on the harassment of women in the workplace that she writes about became an Act of Parliament in 2010, but has yet to make much of an impact. In a lengthy and detailed article in Dawn, published in May 2018, Nazish Brohi writes that things have improved since the 2010 law was passed, but that severe problems remain, particularly for women making complaints of harassment.

Last year, Shahid Javed Burki, a former Pakistani finance minister and vice-president of the World Bank, spoke out about the treatment of women in his country, arguing that the low status given to women has had serious social, demographic, educational, and financial effects. He compares it to neighbouring Bangladesh, which, he said, has improved women’s lot considerably, especially through their engagement in the workforce:

“The main factor accounting for women’s higher social status in Bangladeshi society is the rate of female participation in the labour force which, at 43.1 per cent, is almost double of Pakistan’s 24.3 per cent.”

This problem is, in some measure, reflected in the UK, where Muslim women (mainly of Pakistani origin) face limitations on their participation in the workplace, in higher education, and even knowledge of the English language — matters examined by Dame Louise Casey in her 2016 government review into opportunity and integration. Bringing Pakistani attitudes into the UK, often within segregated communities, only serves to perpetuate the belief that women are intrinsically the inferiors of men in all respects. Once women as such are demeaned to this extent, some men may come to regard sexual mistreatment of non-Muslim women as their God-given right. It is important to note that all of the women treated in this way are Muslims.

One justification used for the UK grooming cases is that the girls involved are non-Muslims who may, as supposed inferiors, be attacked with impunity. Many victims of foreign rapists report that they have kept repeating that rape is permitted in the Quran.

In addition, a female professor from al-Azhar, has claimed that Allah allows “Muslims to rape non-Muslim women to ‘humiliate’ them.”

The second part of this article will examine the roles played by an absence of integration combined with conservative or radical religious attitudes, as well as the Arab practice of taharrush jama’i (mass harassment), both of which may well be keys to why this abuse is happening in the first place.

Original Source: Date-stamped: Time-stamped: Author: by Denis MacEoin | Article Title: Britain's Grooming Gangs: Part 1 | Article Link: gatestoneinstitute.org
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References   [ + ]

1. Another statistical list of the names of all the accused in joint cases, arranged chronologically and with full details of the towns, trials, and convictions may be found here.

The Traitor Class: PC Journalists Culture Of Complicity ‘PC Hit Pieces’ (Edge of the City ‘2004’)

2004: Documentary: Edge Of The City Channel 4


The Traitor Class MEDIA ASSASSINATION of C4 pulls Edge of the City


The Traitor Class MEDIA ASSASSINATION of Channel 4 pulls abuse film after police fears


The Traitor Class MEDIA ASSASSINATION of The BNP hijacked my film


The Traitor Class MEDIA ASSASSINATION of Blame on the edge


The Traitor Class MEDIA ASSASSINATION of Review: Edge of the City


The Traitor Class MEDIA ASSASSINATION of Anger in Bradford over portrayal of city on TV drama


 

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The Traitor Class MEDIA ASSASSINATION of Anger in Bradford over portrayal of city on TV drama

2004: Documentary: Edge Of The City Channel 4

Article Title 06: Anger in Bradford over portrayal of city on TV drama
Article Link: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/anger-in-bradford-over-portrayal-of-city-on-tv-drama-760488.html
Date-stamped: Monday 26 November 2007 
Time-stamped: 01:00
Author: Jerome Taylor

Article Lead In: Two new BBC dramas that highlight racial tensions in Bradford have come under fire from community leaders, who say the media persistently portrays their city in a negative light. BBC 2 has commissioned a series of dramas and documentaries for its winter season under the title “White” , which the corporation says will explore why some white working-class people “feel under siege”. But people in Bradford, which has already featured in dramas depicting racial tension, are incensed that their city will again be a backdrop in two of the dramas. Ian Greenwood, leader of Bradford Council’s Labour group, said: “I’m sick to death of the negative coverage Bradford gets…. 

Film set for racial drama

Britz A fictional drama also directed by Peter Kosminsky, it tells the story of a Muslim brother and sister yanked in opposite directions by their feelings over the way Muslims are treated in Britain. While the brother joins MI5 to fight extremism, the sister becomes a suicide bomber. Shot in Leeds, but the story was set in Bradford

Bradford Riots Drama based on the 2001 riots from the point of view of a group of angry Asian youths and the effects of the riots on their families. More than 100 Asian youths were convicted for involvement and the majority handed themselves in to the police.

The Last White Kids Channel 4 documentary that followed the story of the teenager Ashleene Gallagher who began attending her local mosque in Manningham, Bradford, and won the approval of the imam there with her ability to memorise passages from the Koran.

Edge of the City Channel 4 documentary on Bradford’s social services in which one of the stories controversially followed authorities and parents trying to stop groups of predominantly Asian men grooming girls as young as 11 for sex. The BNP based an election broadcast on the film.

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The Traitor Class MEDIA ASSASSINATION of Review: Edge of the City

2004: Documentary: Edge Of The City Channel 4

Article Title 05: Review: Edge of the City
Article Link: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/entertainment/3602854.stm
Date-stamped: Friday, 27 August, 2004  
Time-stamped: 14:42 GMT 15:42 UK
Author: Dominic Casciani

Article Lead In: Edge of the City, a documentary on Bradford’s social services, has been screened by Channel 4 after being dropped in May after police warned it could inflame racial tensions at local election time. There’s been a lot said about Edge of the City – almost all of it by people who had not actually seen the controversial documentary on Bradford’s social services. More than a year in the making, Edge of the City follows social workers with difficult cases in one inner city. The most controversial of these witnesses authorities and parents trying to stop groups of young men who are grooming girls as young as 11 for sex. Although none of the officials in the film raise race as the issue in these predatory relationships, the filmmakers make it perfectly clear that the abusers are predominantly Asian, and all of the abused girls are white. This is the controversy at the heart of the film which cries out for explanation. But instead, the story is shoe-horned into 90 minutes, along with those of an elderly man fighting for independence, a troubled couple dealing with disability and alcoholism and a trainee social worker’s determination to help a serial teenager offender…

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The Traitor Class MEDIA ASSASSINATION of Blame on the edge

2004: Documentary: Edge Of The City Channel 4

Article Title 04: Blame on the edge
Article Link: https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2004/aug/17/race.thefarright
Date-stamped: Tue 17 Aug 2004 
Time-stamped: 16.22 AEST
Author: Tania Branigan

Article Lead In: A TV documentary on the ‘grooming’ of white girls by Asian men tells us more about complacency over child abuse than race Moral panics have a life of their own, but the 19th-century fear of the “white slave trade” was peculiarly tenacious. What began with concern for the plight of prostitutes soon became a racial witchhunt pandering to sexual anxieties about the debauching of innocent lilies by fiendish orientals and other foreigners. British writers blamed wicked Jews and continental roués; American campaigners preferred to pinpoint devious Chinese immigrants. Two centuries on, I wonder how much we have learned. Last week Channel 4 announced that it will, after all, air a controversial documentary hastily pulled off the air in May. The British National party had described Edge of the City as “a party political broadcast” and the chief constable of West Yorkshire warned that it could spark disorder in the run-up to elections…

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The Traitor Class MEDIA ASSASSINATION of The BNP hijacked my film

2004: Documentary: Edge Of The City Channel 4

Article Title 03: ‘The BNP hijacked my film’
Article Link: https://www.theguardian.com/media/2004/aug/09/channel4.otherparties
Date-stamped: Mon 9 Aug 2004 
Time-stamped: 10.35 AEST
Author: Anthea Milnes

Article Lead In: Anna Hall was devastated when her Channel 4 film, which investigated allegations that young white girls in Bradford were being groomed for sex, was used as rightwing propaganda. She talks to Anthea Milnes This month, Channel 4 will finally screen Edge of the City, its controversial documentary depicting the bleak realities of life in the most deprived parts of Bradford. The film was originally due to go out in May, but hours before transmission it was pulled from the schedules, after it was advertised on the British National Party website as a “party political broadcast”, and the chief constable of West Yorkshire warned that its screening could provoke community disorder in the run-up to the local and European elections. The controversy centred on the film’s claims that men – most of them British Asians – in Bradford and neighbouring Keighley were grooming under-age white schoolgirls for sex. At the eye of the storm was the film’s producer and director, Anna Hall. Hall’s initial idea, she explains, was to make an observational documentary focusing on the daily lives of social workers. “Unlike doctors, fire-fighters, the police and other frontline services,” she says, “there have been few films about social workers. The only time you hear about them is when things go wrong; you never hear what they do the rest of the time.” 

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The Traitor Class MEDIA ASSASSINATION of Channel 4 pulls abuse film after police fears

2004: Documentary: Edge Of The City Channel 4

Article Title 02: Channel 4 pulls abuse film after police fears
Article Link: https://www.theguardian.com/media/2004/may/20/channel4.broadcasting1
Date-stamped: Fri 21 May 2004 
Time-stamped: 01.28 AEST
Author: Jason Deans, broadcasting editor

Article Lead In: Channel 4 has pulled a documentary about Bradford social workers dealing with child abuse from its schedule tonight after local police warned the programme could inflame racial tension in the city. The network, which normally takes great pride in its reputation for stirring up controversy, has made the self-censorship move “as a responsible broadcaster” and because of “exceptional circumstance”, a Channel 4 spokeswoman said….

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The Traitor Class MEDIA ASSASSINATION of C4 pulls Edge of the City

2004: Documentary: Edge Of The City Channel 4

Article Title 01: C4 pulls Edge of the City
Article Link: broadcastnow.co.uk
Date-stamped: 20 May 2004
Time-stamped:  
Author:

Article Lead In: Channel 4 has been forced to pull a documentary, which shows Asian men in Bradford grooming young white girls for sex, after local police claimed the programme could spark race riots in the city.

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2014 MAY 16: “PC Language Rules” Updated National Union of Journalists, London (NUJ) race reporting guidelines and EFJ manifesto

16 May 2014
National Union of Journalists: 72 Acton Street, London, WC1X 9NB

In advance of the 2014 elections, the NUJ has re-issued its race reporting guidelines.

The newly updated guidelines are available below and as a downloadable pdf.

The guidelines give clear advice on ethical issues relating to the reporting of race and immigration and the NUJ calls on all its members to adhere to the guidelines and to the NUJ code of conduct.

If members have any queries on ethical matters in advance of the elections, contact the NUJ ethics hotline on 0845 450 0864 or email: ethics@nuj.org.uk.

The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) has launched the Journalists’ Manifesto for the 2014 European Elections with the aims to push the issues concerning journalists and their unions on Europe’s agenda. The EFJ is calling on voters to ask their local candidates to support the EFJ campaign.

For more information visit the EFJ website.

NUJ race reporting guidelines

Published May 2014

The union has ratified these guidelines for all its members to follow when dealing with race relations.

The NUJ Black members’ council campaigns for race equality in the union, the workplace and in the media.

The NUJ believes that:

• Racist attitudes and the growth of far-right parties pose a threat to democracy, the rights of trade union organisations, a free media and racial equality.

• Its members have a responsibility to stop racism being expressed in the media.

• That media freedom must be underpinned by ethical reporting.

• Publications and media organisations should not originate material which encourages discrimination on the grounds of race or colour, as expressed in the NUJ’s rule book and code of conduct

• Members should have the right to withhold their labour on grounds of conscience where employers are providing a platform for racist propaganda.

• Editors must ensure that coverage of stories relating to race are placed in a balanced social and ethical context.

General guidelines:

• Only include a person’s race if relevant. Check that you have it right. Would you mention race if the person was white?

• Avoid words that, although common in the past, are now considered offensive, e.g. half-caste and coloured. Ask people how they define themselves. Check if a person identifies as mixed-race or Black. Black may also cover people of Africa, Asian, Middle Eastern, Pacific, Caribbean and Aboriginal origin.

• Do not assume a cultural background from a person’s name – check with them or their community.

• Strive for diversity and balance in reporting, especially on social issues. Investigate the treatment of and cover the experiences of Black people, Travellers and Gypsies.

• Remember that Black communities are culturally diverse. Get a full and correct view from representative organisations.

• Exercise care, balance and proportionality when covering race relations issues.

• Do not allow letters or online comments to be published or allow phone-ins to continue that contain racist hate speech.

• Adhere to the NUJ’s code of conduct at all times. The union can help with ethical issues via the NUJ ethics council, ethics helpline and email support.

Reporting racist organisations:

• You do not have to report on racist organisations.

• As with any interviewees, check the claims made by representatives of such organisations and seek opposing comments.

• Seek to broadcast or publish information exposing the myths of racist organisations. If a racist party has been elected to local government or the European Parliament, rules around party election broadcasts do not necessarily mean you have to cover them. See the Ofcom regulations (points 11 and 13) for more detail.

• If you feel uncomfortable about covering racist parties, get advice from your union. Make sure you research the background of racist organisations and their members. For example, see SearchlightUAFreporting the far right and Hope not Hate.

Guidelines on Gypsies and Travellers:

• Do not sensationalise stories involving Gypsies and Travellers, particularly around their relations with settled communities and over issues around housing and education.

• Only use the words Gypsy or Traveller if relevant to a story and accurate.

• Gypsy and Traveller communities are culturally diverse. Ensure your terminology is accurate. Check with a person how they want to be defined. If this is not possible consult community leaders or organisations.

• Seek the views of the Gypsies and Travellers themselves, as well as those of others, consulting their representative organisations where possible.

Guidelines on reporting immigration and asylum:

• Use the term “immigrant” with caution, it is still wrongly used to describe people born in Britain. Asylum seeker, refugee or EU migrant worker? Get the terminology right. Asylum seeker is a person who has left their home country as a political refugee and is seeking asylum in another country. A refugee is someone who was an asylum seeker but who has now been granted refugee status.An EU migrant worker is someone who has moved to the UK to work. Their stay in the UK may be temporary or longer term.

• When quoting politicians or public figures, verify if their statements on immigration are factual. Ask experts who can help set the context and ensure you check details with a reputable source. Many allegations are made about asylum seekers, ensure you substantiate them, if they are unable to be verified, make this clear.

• Don’t use terms such as “bogus”, “illegal” or “failed” asylum seeker. If necessary, use “refused” asylum seeker instead. A fairer term to use for someone who has outstayed their visa is “undocumented” or “irregular”.

• Don’t use emotive, value-laden language, such as “floods” of immigrants. Stick to facts.

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